The Revolution Turns Radical
Struggle of Rival Factions

The overthrow of Victoriano Huerta could not bring peace to Mexico. After victory, the divisions that had all the while plagued the revolutionary forces now became clearly pronounced, with villistas and carranzistas each accusing the other of betraying the struggle. General Obregón, after installing Carranza in the presidential palace, went north to negotiate with Pancho Villa. The two revolutionary chieftains agreed that Carranza should serve only as provisional president until elections could be held. Carranza apparently agreed to this (for him) unwelcome plan, though he secretly was looking for some way to maintain power. He suggested holding a convention of rebel leaders in Mexico City — safely within his own sphere of influence — to discuss this all important question of the presidential succession.
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The Mexican Revolution and La Cristiada
Chaos Returns- Fire from the North

Mexico’s new president, Victoriano Huerta, seemed in every way the opposite of Madero. For one thing, he was no teetotaller; indeed, he spent a good part of his day drunk. Unlike Madero, he had little regard for constitutional order or justice. To assure his absolute sway over the state, Huerta replaced several state governors with generals faithful to him. He conducted a purge of Congress, jailing over a hundred representatives who opposed his regime. One congressman, Belisario Dominguez, a senator from Chiapas, spoke out publicly against Huerta; he was later found dead. He had been shot. Huerta spared members of the National Catholic Party (PCN), but in Congress, they now had to do his bidding.

When he had come into power, Huerta secured the PCN’s acquiesence to his regime by promising the party 100 seats in the congress. He pledged that if a PCN candidate won the planned presidential election in October 1913, he would uphold the results. Both the Church and the party had expressed their disapproval of Huerta; but, then again, for good or ill, he was the government; it seemed that little good would come from opposing him. One could attempt a revolution, but it was doubtful whether a revolution would succeed. This, it seems, may have been the reasoning that led the PCN leadership to strike a bargain with Huerta. It was, however, a devil’s bargain. As we shall see, Huerta was not about to concede an election to any opponent. Moreover, as the only party left after the purge of Congress, the PCN lost its independence and became tainted with the reputation of being huértista. In the end, Huerta turned on the PCN. In early 1914, he arrested the PCN president, Gabriel Fernández and exiled him. The alliance with Huerta killed the PCN. It could not survive the fall of the Huerta regime.
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A New Job Requirement

Applicants will be expected to teach from
Regina Coeli Academy is seeking a 5th-8th Grade English and History Teacher for the 2012-2013 academic year, who would also serve as the 7th-8th grade homeroom and religion teacher. Applicants should have a bachelor’s degree in history, literature, liberal arts, or a related field with a focus on the Western Classical Tradition. Applicants will be expected to teach from texts within the classical curriculum, including Voyages (English), Catholic Schools Textbook Project (history), and Faith and Life (religion). In addition, reading of classic literature, memorizing of poetry and the catechism, and integrating subjects are key components of our curriculum. All applicants must be practicing Catholics and willing to sign an oath of fidelity to all of the magisterial teachings of the Church. Salary is commensurate with teaching experience and relevant degrees. In addition to your resume, please send to Board President Mrs. Barbara Henkels a cover letter and bio, 2 professional reference names, and 1 priest reference name, along with their contact information.
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The Mexican Revolution and La Cristiada
Chaos Returns 

The provisional president of the revolutionary government, Francisco de la Barra was anything but a revolutionary. This man, who had been Díaz’s ambassador to the United States, had strong connections with the wealthy families of Mexico and the científicos. He was hardly the man to carry out the only radical provision of Madero’s Plan de San Luis Potosí — agrarian reform, the redistribution of land to the poor from whom it had been taken. Emiliano Zapata, for one, was not pleased with de la Barra and had become disillusioned with Madero. In August, Zapata and Madero had met in Cuernevaca, the capitol of Morelos. Zapata left the meeting convinced that Madero was not committed to agrarian reform.

Zapata was not alone in distrusting Madero; some of the Mexican bishops were wary of him, though not for the same reasons as the Morelos revolutionary. In a May 28, 1911 letter to the archbishop of Mexico City, José de Jesús Ortizy y Rodriguez, the archbishop of Guadalajara, lamented that “we will no longer be able to depend on the tolerance and the spirit of conciliatory supervision of the illustrious General Díaz, who has been until now our only defense under God.” But Archbishop Ortiz did not express the sentiments of the many clergy who supported Madero and of the Catholic people, who rejoiced over Díaz’s overthrow. CLICK HERE to continue…

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